{"id":442802,"date":"2020-07-06T10:01:26","date_gmt":"2020-07-06T14:01:26","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.rochester.edu\/newscenter\/?p=442802"},"modified":"2021-11-01T14:27:17","modified_gmt":"2021-11-01T18:27:17","slug":"does-money-in-politics-threaten-us-democracy-442802","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rochester.edu\/newscenter\/does-money-in-politics-threaten-us-democracy-442802\/","title":{"rendered":"Corporate money in politics threatens US democracy\u2014or does it?"},"content":{"rendered":"
When in 2010 the US Supreme Court ruled in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission<\/em> that companies and labor unions enjoy the same right to political speech as individuals, many restrictions on money in American politics went out the window.<\/p>\n Subsequently, so-called super PACs\u2014political action committees that are financed in part by large corporations, their multibillionaire shareholders, or powerful unions\u2014can pour hundreds of millions of dollars into political campaigns, as long as their efforts are independent of candidates.<\/p>\n While most political observers would agree that super PACs are a dominant force in US politics, many would also argue they\u2019re a nefarious influence. The influx of large sums of money into politics damages trust in government, suppresses voter turnout, puts corporate interests first, and results in corruption\u2014so goes the common narrative. That\u2019s why campaign finance reformers, politicians, and academics alike have been arguing for decades that US democracy is imperiled by a threat that permeates all of politics\u2014money.<\/p>\n But is that narrative accurate? A Rochester\/Missouri team of social scientists says it\u2019s not.<\/p>\n David Primo<\/strong><\/a>, the Ani and Mark Gabrellian Professor and a professor of political science<\/a><\/strong> and business administration at the 糖心传媒<\/strong><\/a>, and Jeffrey Milyo<\/a><\/strong>, a professor of economics and chair of the economics department at the University of Missouri, say the reality is very different.<\/p>\n In their new book, Campaign Finance and American Democracy: What the Public Really Thinks and Why it Matters<\/em><\/a><\/strong> (University of Chicago Press, 2020), the duo argues that campaign finance reform is not a \u201ccure-all for what ails American democracy\u2014at a time when it is viewed by many academics and practitioners as essential medicine.\u201d Says Primo: \u201cAmericans believe, for instance, that super PAC spending dominates campaigns, which is false.\u201d<\/p>\n Primo and Milyo surveyed a total of 4,000 Americans in 2015 and in 2016\u2014and about 150 experts in 2017\u2014about their views on money in US politics. They also collected survey data on trust and confidence in government spanning three decades to study the effects of changes in campaign finance laws on trust.<\/p>\n Having aggregated the results of decades of survey responses, the authors conclude that changes in state-level campaign finance laws\u2014where most changes in the laws take place, making it an ideal testing ground for social scientists\u2014have little to no effect on attitudes toward government, contrary to conventional wisdom. The finding, the authors argue, is perhaps the book\u2019s most important conclusion, as it calls into question four decades of legal justifications for campaign finance reform.<\/p>\n The researchers\u2019 other key findings on campaign finance include the following:<\/p>\n In their book, the first after the Citizens United decision that contrasts public opinion and the scientific consensus on the role of money in American politics, Primo and Milyo set out to uncover what the public thinks about money in politics, what drives the perceptions, and why it matters.<\/p>\n They looked at whether public opinion regarding corruption and the undue influence of money in politics is connected to reality, and whether changes in campaign finance regulations are likely to affect public attitudes toward government.<\/p>\n \u201cIt\u2019s not surprising that Americans believe the political system is rotten to the core\u2014that is the incessant message they receive from the media, politicians, reform groups, and scholars,\u201d the authors write. \u201cThese elites nurture the public\u2019s cynicism with their rhetoric and in turn use this cynicism as evidence of the need for reform.\u201d<\/p>\n They add, \u201cMoney in politics, these elites tell us, is to blame for a wide array of ills in American society that threaten democracy: moneyed interests buying elections, rampant corruption, and declining trust in government. The elites are wrong, yet the American public believes them.\u201d<\/p>\n Primo:<\/strong> We are taking on the belief that money is to blame for all that ails American politics. The reality is very different. Money does not buy elections\u2014witness Michael Bloomberg\u2019s failed attempt to secure the Democratic nomination for president. Corruption is not rampant\u2014bribery scandals still garner attention precisely because they are unusual. And Americans\u2019 mistrust of government is not driven by levels of campaign spending or the stringency of campaign finance laws.<\/p>\n Milyo:<\/strong> It\u2019s not so much that Americans are off base; rather, they are simply fed up with politics writ large. Money is just a convenient bugaboo. Consider this: in our research, we show that Americans have become so disgusted with American politics that they view even conventional behavior, like trying to secure favorable media coverage, as corrupt. We looked at decades of survey data and failed to find any evidence that stricter campaign finance laws improve perceptions of government.<\/p>\n Primo:<\/strong> What\u2019s more, American attitudes about whether a behavior is corrupt are in part determined by partisanship. An action taken by a Democratic politician will be viewed differently from the same action taken by a Republican politician, depending on the partisanship of the respondent. When it comes to voters, a liberal Democrat is much more inclined to protect corporate political speech when the brand doing the talking is Ben & Jerry\u2019s as opposed to ExxonMobil, for example. This again raises concerns about public attitudes as the basis for justifying campaign finance restrictions.<\/p>\n Primo:<\/strong> Citizens United is a widely misunderstood decision that has a mythology around it. It did not permit foreign involvement in elections. It did not alter disclosure rules. It did not allow corporations to make contributions to candidates for federal office. What it did do was expand the ways in which groups of individuals, such as unions and corporations, could be involved in the political process. Corporations are routinely called on by activists to take political positions on social issues, yet many of these activists, I suspect, oppose Citizens United.<\/p>\n Milyo:<\/strong> If the goal is to improve perceptions of government, the answer is no. The empirical evidence simply isn\u2019t there. Put another way, if campaign finance reform were a potential cure for a disease in a clinical trial, it wouldn\u2019t get approval. Campaign finance reform really can\u2019t fix competitive partisan politics in a pluralist democracy that values free expression and diversity of opinion.<\/p>\n Primo:<\/strong> I would turn this question on its head and talk about the benefits of campaign spending. There is ample social science evidence that campaign spending improves turnout and voter knowledge. We hear too little about these benefits. On the flip side, there is very little evidence that legislators are basing their votes on who gives them campaign contributions, though most political scientists agree that campaign contributions help maintain relationships with legislators.<\/p>\n Primo:<\/strong> That\u2019s the million dollar question. Trust in American government began to decline in the 1960s and then plummeted in the wake of the Vietnam War and Watergate. It\u2019s fluctuated since but has never recovered. What we do know is that Americans who share the same party as the president trust the government more than members of the out party, suggesting that trust is infused with a partisan component. As long as that is the case, it will be hard to move the needle on trust. It\u2019s also worth asking whether some skepticism of government is healthy in a democracy\u2014as it helps keep elected officials accountable.<\/p>\n Milyo:<\/strong> Why should people trust government? Rather than trying to artificially gin up trust via some magic wand, like campaign finance reform, maybe government officials need to act in a way that merits trust? Absent that, it is very healthy that Americans have a deep distrust of those that wield the coercive power of the state; it is probably the most important check on abuses of civil liberties and the main reason our republic has survived this long.<\/p>\n The author or coauthor of several books, including <\/em>Rules and Restraint: Government Spending and the Design of Institutions (University of Chicago Press, 2007), Primo is an expert on campaign finance and the federal debt. His research focuses on budget rules, corporate social responsibility, corporate political spending, and the effectiveness of campaign finance laws.<\/em><\/p>\n Milyo, the author of numerous articles in scholarly journals such as the <\/em>American Economics Review, the <\/em>Journal of Politics, and the <\/em>Election Law Journal, is an expert on American political economics and public policy. His recent research focuses on campaign finance and elections, health policy, the media, public corruption, and racial disparities.<\/em><\/p>\nUpending the conventional campaign finance narrative<\/strong><\/h3>\n

\u2018The elites are wrong\u2019 about money in politics<\/strong><\/h3>\n
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Q-and-A with authors Primo and Milyo<\/strong><\/h3>\n

You write that the elites are wrong that moneyed interests can buy elections, that corruption is rampant, and that trust in government has been declining. Yet the American public believes those elites. What exactly is wrong with that widely held view?<\/strong><\/h4>\n
Is public opinion regarding corruption and the undue influence of money in politics then largely off base?<\/strong><\/h4>\n
Would you argue that Citizens United was not a poor decision, or just not as poor as most believe?<\/strong><\/h4>\n
The public doesn\u2019t believe that campaign finance reform would really work, yet the experts you polled think reform makes sense. So\u2014is it necessary or not?<\/strong><\/h4>\n
What part of campaign financing is harmful and what part of campaign financing looks harmful but proves to have no or little effect on a politician\u2019s voting behavior?<\/strong><\/h4>\n
What\u2019s needed to restore the public\u2019s faith in government? Or is that a utopian ideal?<\/strong><\/h4>\n
\nRead more<\/strong><\/h3>\n
Can campaign finance disclosure go too far? The case of small donors<\/strong><\/a>
\nIt\u2019s possible that if you\u2019ve donated even as little as a dollar to a political candidate, it\u2019s information easily obtained on the internet. That concerns political scientist David Primo.<\/span><\/div>\n