From eugenics to segregation, the Pulitzer Prize winner says AmericaÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™s ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½˜darker impulsesÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™ run deep.
Pulitzer PrizeÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½“winning historian and ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½ alumnus Steven Hahn ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™73 has spent years chronicling the political experiences of ordinary people, particularly those at the margins, such as white farmers and enslaved people. In his latest book, (W. W. Norton, 2025), he traces the enduring themes of exclusion, repression, and antidemocratic politics in the United States across centuries.
ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œIlliberalism is not a backlash,ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� Hahn insists. ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œBacklash is one of the most misleading words in the American political vocabulary, because it suggests that a political phenomenon only expresses ignorance and rage and nothing more than that.ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� Instead, he argues, illiberalism is a coherent political culture with ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œdeep historical roots.ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½�
What is ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œilliberalismÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½�?
Hahn starts with a definition: ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œIlliberalism is not just one thing; itÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™s a collection of ideas and practices,ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� he explains. A fundamental characteristic of illiberalism is the belief in peopleÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™s inequality (as opposed to equality)ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½”whether itÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™s social, political, or civilÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½”and the belief in inherent or assigned hierarchies of race, gender, or nationality, he argues. Other hallmarks include a desire for cultural or religious homogeneity, the ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œmarking of internal and external enemies,ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� accepting violence as a means of attaining and maintaining power, and privileging the ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œwill of the communityÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� over the rule of law.

Examples of illiberal moments in US history
Rather than spotlight only the most notorious examples, Hahn points to episodes often celebrated as triumphs of liberalism. Here are some examples:
In the 1830s, as voting rights expanded for white men, free Black people were disfranchised and Native Americans, Mormons, Catholics, and abolitionists faced expulsion. ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œAbraham Lincoln worried about mob rule,ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� Hahn notes, describing the murder of an abolitionist in Illinois and a lynching in St. Louis.
The Progressive Era (1900ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½“1920), commonly referred to as the birth of modern liberalism, also saw ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œan almost across-the-board embrace of eugenicsÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� along with widespread Jim Crow racism. Segregation, Hahn notes, appealed to progressives as ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œa modern wayÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� of dealing with racial conflict: ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œInstead of watching a tsunami of lynchings, you could choreograph racial interactions.ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� He points out that disfranchising people politicallyÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½”through literacy tests, residency requirements, and new registration lawsÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½”all of which were intended to make it difficult for certain groups of people to vote. Such efforts targeted not only Black people but also European immigrants.

Meanwhile, eugenics, the pseudoscientific attempt to improve the human race through selective breeding (and to counter the reproduction of those who were seen as defective) was very much in vogue. Birth control activist and sex educator Margaret Sanger was a proponent, as were Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½”the latter (as New Jersey governor) even signed the bill for mandatory sterilizations. ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œEugenics imagined marrying science and the state to create a better social order,ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� says Hahn. ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œBut that meant literally trying to breed a better society.ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½�
The 1960s saw important civil rights victories, yet the political far right was ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œreconstituting itself,ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� Hahn says. Figures like segregationist George Wallace, a former Alabama governor, honed a language of grievance ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œabout federal overreachÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� and ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œstate rights,ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� winning significant support outside the South. Additionally, he says, the decade ushered in a ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œwar on crimeÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� that foreshadowed later mass incarceration.
What drives illiberal politics?
Racial conflict is central but itÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™s not the only reason for the rise of broad illiberal sentiment. ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œItÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™s a confluence of things,ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� Hahn says, noting that demographic instability certainly plays a roleÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½”knowing that by the middle of the 21st century white people will become a minority in the United States. Additionally, economic anxiety can stoke fear.
ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œLarge sections of the American middle class and working class have not seen their real incomes rise since the 1970s,ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� Hahn acknowledges. But he points out that illiberal ideas also flourished when the American economy was expanding as it did in the 1950s and 60s.
Ultimately, he says illiberal beliefs predate the founding of America. ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œWhat IÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™m talking about really precedes the emergence of liberalism,ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� Hahn emphasizes. ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œThese ideas have their origins in a feudal and early modern world.ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½�
ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œIlliberalism is always close to the surface,ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� he cautions. Not cyclical but a constant, ready to erupt when crises occur and political opportunists fan its flames. His perspective directly challenges the notion of an enduring American liberal tradition. Instead, Hahn argues that this liberal tradition was largely ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œan invention of the 1940s and 1950sÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½�ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½”based on a societal Cold War consensus. He hopes readers will recognize that illiberalism ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œhas political coherenceÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� and ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œpopular appeal,ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� shaping the nation from its earliest days. His message is soberingÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½”illiberalism is not an aberration but a defining feature of the American story.
URochester set the course
HahnÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™s own political awakening began at the University of Rochester, where he majored in history after becoming involved in the antiÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½“Vietnam War movement. ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œI was arrested at least once,ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� he recalls of his student years.
Originally, heÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™d been interested in pursuing an engineering degree. But by the time he got to Rochester, ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œit was pretty clear that astronautical engineering was not going to work for me,ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� he recalls with a chuckle.
Influential URochester history professors, among them Christopher Lasch, Eugene Genovese, and nurtured his intellectual curiosity. In 2004, Hahn won both the Pulitzer Prize in History and the Bancroft Prize for his book (Harvard University Press, 2005).
After stints at the University of Delaware; the University of California, San Diego; Northwestern University; and the University of Pennsylvania, Hahn is now a , where he continues to probe some of the countryÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™s most uncomfortable truths.
ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œThereÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™s no doubt in my mind,ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½� he says, ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½œif I hadnÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™t gone to Rochester, I wouldnÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™t be doing what IÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½™m doing now.ÌÇÐÄ´«Ã½�
